PAUL T. SHIPALE (with inputs by Folito Nghitongovali Diawara Gaspar)
A persistent paradox defines the African political landscape; the ballot box, a symbol of popular will, has become a theatre where the deep yearning for change clashes with systems engineered to resist it. The recent electoral episodes in Tanzania, where President Samia Suluhu Hassan secured a contested 97% victory to absolutely no-one’s surprise, and Cameroon, where the Constitutional Council proclaimed the re-election of 92-year-old President Paul Biya, the world’s oldest head of state, for an eighth successive term, despite it being part of the long-term pattern, the official outcome, and victory for Biya with 53.7%, ahead of Tchiroma Bakary on 35.2%, came as an anti-climax for many Tanzanians and Cameroonians and stand as stark reminders to urgently decolonise Africa’s electoral systems. Too often, the act of voting is reduced to a hollow formality, a ritual devoid of the transformative power of genuine popular sovereignty, as we have witnessed all the way from Douala to Dodoma and Dar es Salaam. This recurring failure is not an accident; it is the logical outcome of an alien framework imposed upon the continent. The imperative, therefore, is not merely to reform but to fundamentally decolonise Africa’s electoral systems.
The colonial imprint: A foundation of alienation
To decolonise our electoral system is to first recognise that the very architecture of African democracy is built on a foreign blueprint. Our electoral systems, whether majoritarian, proportional, or mixed, are largely inherited from colonial frameworks, designed to meet external standards rather than to resonate with indigenous political realities.
Western liberal democracy atomises the electorate, envisioning an individualistic, rational voter. African societies, by contrast, are fundamentally communal, rooted in consensus and the pursuit of collective wisdom. Historically, leadership was conceived as service, not conquest. Major decisions emerged from assemblies guided by elders – the palaver, the kgotla, and the soba – seeking social harmony over zero-sum competition.
The imposition of adversarial electoral models has thus fragmented our social fabric. Instead of fostering healthy ideological debate, these imported systems have accentuated ethnic and regional fissures, turning the ballot into a weapon of division rather than a tool for nation-building. Decolonisation begins with rejecting this foundational alienation.
The crisis of illusory representation
Consequently, many African nations hold regular elections, yet citizens experience little substantive transformation of power. The state maintains the facade of democracy while hollowing out its spirit. We must recognise a fundamental truth: simply transplanting Western institutions does not create an African democracy. A solitary vote cannot replicate the rich, collective decision-making processes embedded in our own political traditions. The crisis of representation is a direct result of this dissonance. Otherwise, how does one understand how a country of Ujama, Umoja and Uhuru, the cradle and mother of all liberation movements in Southern Africa from Kongwa to Morogoro, the country of Baba wa Taifa Mwalimu Kambarage Julius Nyerere, has turned into this pariah of democracy? One cannot help but ask, ‘Quo Vadis Tanzania’ with the PAFMECSA, an abbreviation for the Pan African Movements of Eastern, Central and Southern Africa? This simply means gaining more than 90% of votes in an election doesn’t mean democracy is alive and kicking while shutting down the internet and imprisoning opposition leaders and banning the press and free speech. We do fully agree, though, that violence is not the solution. What is funny is that we don’t understand why the ruling party had to taint the election results, which they would have won comfortably with the majority vote in rural Tanzania. Mind you, most opposition parties are just prominent in urban areas but have no support in rural areas. Be that as it may, the verdict from SADC is damning, as it says that the 2025 general election in the United Republic of Tanzania fell short of the requirements of the SADC principles and guidelines governing democratic elections. That simply means the elections were not free and fair. Otherwise, how does one explain that the former President Jakaya Kikwete won 62% with 5 million votes, and the late President John Magufuli won his first term with 61% and more than 8 million votes and won his second term with more than 84%, which translates into 15 million voters of the 29 registered voters, but this time around the current President secured 97% with more than 31 million votes?
The three pillars of democratic capture
Africa remains trapped in cycles of democratic disappointment and thus unable to decolonise its politics as long as three foundational elements persist:
1. Dependent Institutions: Electoral commissions and judiciaries operate as extensions of executive power, systematically preventing impartiality and fairness, perpetuating the colonial logic of centralised control.
2. A Manipulated Survival Economy: Widespread poverty is weaponised, reducing the vote to a transactional commodity exchanged for short-term promises of sustenance, a modern-day tribute to a system of dependency.
3. An Authoritarian Political Culture: A leadership class that conflates governing with reigning and treats the state as an extension of personal or party power, mirroring the colonial governor’s mansion more than the elder’s council.
Decolonisation: The path to a rebalanced polity
To decolonise our electoral system is not to reject democracy but to radically reconstruct it from African roots. Legitimate power on this continent has always flowed from community participation, deliberation among equals, and the guiding wisdom of elders.
A truly decolonised, functional African model would therefore:
- Integrate localised assemblies, the palavers, kgotlas, and sobas, into the formal structure of political decision-making.
- Value community and territorial representation that transcends narrow party loyalties.
- Prioritise consensus-building as a prerequisite to electoral contestation.
- Synthesise traditional wisdom with the demands of modern governance.
- Promote a pluralism that fosters harmony, not destructive competition.
Emerging hybrid models in nations like Botswana, Rwanda, and Ethiopia, despite their complexities, demonstrate that tradition and modernity can be mutually reinforcing in the project to decolonise governance.
Generation Z: The vanguard of transformation
Africa’s democratic renewal and the mission to decolonise its electoral systems will be driven by its youth. This Generation Z, digitally connected, politically astute, and socially engaged, embodies a profound refusal of resignation. They are the force championing civic education, demanding transparency in political financing, insisting on independent electoral observation, and advocating for the inclusion of youth and women in leadership. For them, democracy is not a privilege granted by the powerful; it is a right to be claimed and a responsibility to be actively defended.
Their relentless energy heralds a second independence: an independence of mind, of governance, and of legitimacy. They are reshaping democracy from the ground up, proving that transformative change is possible only when participation is real, inclusive, and accountable to African realities.
Conclusion: Toward a democracy with an African soul
Elections in much of Africa remain ritualistic, failing to be transformative because they are not ours. We must remember that stability without freedom is merely silence in uniform. Yet, a new dawn is breaking. Generation Z is rising, demanding a democracy that reflects African realities, one that speaks our languages, heeds the wisdom of our elders, incorporates our communal ethos, and respects the agency and the legitimacy of our people as the true sovereigns of our states and not some concocted elite pacts imposing their will, which is nothing else than violence with lipstick and running the states as their own fiefdoms. That is a betrayal of our Founding Fathers, who with their sweat and blood toiled day and night to establish our African states.
Decolonising the electoral system is the essential first step on the path to an authentic African democracy. It is the only way for citizens to finally recognise themselves, their history, their values, and their aspirations in the mirror of their own governance. The journey is urgent, and the time to begin is now.
Disclaimer: The opinions expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of our employers and this newspaper but solely our personal views as citizens and Pan-Africanists.
